Welcome to the first salon. The purpose of our salons is to provide a forum for discussing topics of interest in linguistic historiography and related fields. This salon will focus on ‘anachronism in linguistic historiography’. The discussion opens below with contributions from:
Everyone is invited — and indeed encouraged — to continue the conversation in the comments thread. Read more ›
Johannes MĂŒcke & Silvio Moreira de Sousa [1]
Hugo Schuchardt Archiv, University of Graz
âInformation is not knowledge. Knowledge is not wisdom. Wisdom is not truth.â
Frank Zappa (1979)
The goal of the project “Network of Knowledge” (runtime 2012-2015, FWF project number P 24400-G15, main researcher: Bernhard Hurch) appears to be very linear at first sight: the online, open access presentation (and consequent analysis) of the papers of Hugo Schuchardt (1842-1927), combining the digital facsimile edition of all of Schuchardtâs publications with the also digital edition of his correspondence and a bibliography of secondary literature.
Preserved at the Universityâs library in Graz, the Hugo Schuchardt Papers account for nearly 14,000 letters received from virtually all over the world. The actual tally for the digital edition of Schuchardtâs correspondence is at the moment (May 2015) around more than 2,000 edited letters. Furthermore, all of Schuchardtâs works (a growing number of them also as OCR scanned searchable PDFs) are already available for consultation, together with an ever increasing collection of more than 315 reviews, which are being processed and will be put online. Read more ›

This frontispiece of Fray Gaspar de San AgustĂn’s Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas (1698) is an allegory of the relationship between the colonial State and Church in the Philippines. King Philip II of Spain (right) is seen pointing to the Philippine islands, while St Augustine (left), the founder of the Augustinian order, offers his heart, the usual iconographic symbol for this saint, to illuminate the archipelago through divine light, as symbolized by the Christogram above. Behind the saint are Fray AndrĂ©s de Urdaneta and Fray MartĂn de Rada, the first Augustinians in the Philippines.
Marlon James SALES
Monash University
The pastoral visit of Pope Francis to the Philippines in January 2015, which gathered the biggest crowd ever assembled for a Papal event in history, has put to fore the nexus between translation and religion in this Southeast Asian archipelago. During his many engagements, the Pontiff delivered off-the-cuff homilies in his native Spanish, which were then translated into English by Monsignor Mark Miles of the Vatican Secretariat of State. There were also some instancesâsuch as when the Pope had lunch with victims of typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) in Leyte, or when he spoke with two former street children during a catechesis at the University of Santo Tomasâthat even required that interpretation be done into Filipino, with Manila archbishop Luis Antonio Cardinal Tagle stepping in to provide some help.
The role that translation played in the recent Papal visit is indicative of the history of evangelization and colonization of this overwhelmingly Catholic nation. Christianity was introduced into the country by Catholic missionaries, who began arriving in the 16th century as members of expeditions financed by the Spanish Crown. Although the Philippines proved to be a profitless enterprise, it was retained for more than three centuries as a strategic colonial outpost in the Pacific and as a springboard for the evangelization of other Asian nations, most notably China and Japan (Kamen 2002, 203, Phelan 1959, 14). A corollary to the establishment of Spanish settlements in the archipelago was the repartition of its many ethnolinguistic groups as objects of Catholic mission among various religious orders present there (Sueiro Justel 2007, 51). Given that Spanish migration into the country remained scant throughout the colonial period, the priests were the closest contact many Filipinos had with Spain (Ridruejo 2003, 181). Read more ›
Patrick Flack
sdvig press
Le Formalisme russe, Ă bien des Ă©gards, constitue un phĂ©nomĂšne paradoxal. Il a, câest bien connu, fourni les fondements dâune approche systĂ©matique de la littĂ©rature (ou du « langage poĂ©tique « ) et contribuĂ© Ă produire une grande partie du lexique et de lâarsenal conceptuel de la thĂ©orie littĂ©raire moderne. A ce double titre, il figure comme une Ă©tape essentielle et reconnue dans le dĂ©veloppement de cette discipline comme « science » autonome. Toutefois, on sait aussi que le Formalisme russe nâa jamais opĂ©rĂ© en tant quâĂ©cole ou mouvement unifié : le terme dĂ©note un ensemble de travaux et de personnalitĂ©s au demeurant trĂšs divers. MalgrĂ© leur fĂ©conditĂ© conceptuelle et leur souci de fonder une thĂ©orie systĂ©matique de lâanalyse littĂ©raire, les formalistes russes nâont pas non plus formulĂ© un corps de doctrine spĂ©cifique ou bien dĂ©fini. Surtout, la plupart des idĂ©es formalistes ont Ă©tĂ© trĂšs tĂŽt vivement critiquĂ©es pour leur manque de rigueu. Le modĂšle formaliste a ainsi vite Ă©tĂ© remplacĂ© par un paradigme plus puissant, celui de la linguistique structurale.
Les interprĂštes du Formalisme russe (Victor Erlich, Aage Hansen-Löve, Tsvetan Todorov, etc.) ont tous rĂ©solu le paradoxe que reprĂ©sente son originalitĂ© et son influence dâune part, ses Ă©videntes lacunes dâautre part en suggĂ©rant que les contributions formalistes n’ont constituĂ© de fait qu’une phase transitoire ou « inter-paradigmatique » (Steiner 1984, p.10) dans lâĂ©volution de la thĂ©orie littĂ©raire. Par ailleurs, ils sâaccordent sur le fait non seulement que lâĂ©volution de la thĂ©orie littĂ©raire formaliste, sous lâĂ©gide en particulier de Roman Jakobson, sâest faite clairement dans la direction et avec lâappui du paradigme structuraliste, mais aussi que cette Ă©volution a assurĂ© sa pĂ©rennitĂ© et son influence. Ces deux conclusions, en elles-mĂȘmes, sont parfaitement justifiĂ©es: il est incontestable que les intuitions fondatrices des formalistes russes quant aux propriĂ©tĂ©s du phĂ©nomĂšne littĂ©raire et des mĂ©thodes de son analyse ont Ă©tĂ© pour lâessentiel rĂ©cupĂ©rĂ©es avec succĂšs dâabord dans le contexte du Cercle Linguistique de Prague, du structuralisme tchĂšque (Jan MukaĆovskĂœ, Felix VodiÄka), puis, bien entendu, du structuralisme français (Todorov, Barthes, etc.). De mĂȘme, l’Ćuvre de Tynjanov dĂ©montre aussi sans lâombre dâun doute que la transition vers le structuralisme a Ă©tĂ© dĂ©libĂ©rĂ©ment voulue et a dĂ©butĂ© Ă lâintĂ©rieur mĂȘme de la mouvance formaliste (cf. Ehlers 1992). Read more ›
Els Elffers
University of Amsterdam
What do Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920), Jacques van Ginneken (1877-1945), Ernst Cassirer (1894-1945) and Martinus Langeveld (1905-1989) have in common?
Apart from the fact that they were all men, prominent scholars, and active in the first half of the 20th century, there seem to be few common features at first sight. Wundt was a pioneer German psychologist, Van Ginneken was a well-known Dutch linguist, Cassirer was a famous German neo-Kantian philosopher, and the Dutchman Langeveld was one of the founders of pedagogy as a scientific discipline.
However, they shared one interest: language, and its relation to thought. In Wundtâs most famous work, the ten-volume Völkerpsychologie, two volumes are devoted to language and its psychological foundations. For Van Ginneken, this issue was the central theme of his internationally recognized Principes de linguistique psychologique. Also Cassirerâs three-volume Philosophie der Symbolischen Formen deals with this theme and is regarded as his most original work. Finally, Langeveld started his successful career with his influential thesis Taal en denken (Language and thought), written when he was still a language teacher, which explains why he connects the theme to problems of language education at secondary schools.[1]
What is more, the positions of the four scholars in the contemporary language-and-thought debate are similar. In very general terms, this debate concerned the transition from sensualism to intentionalism.
According to sensualism, mental life mainly consists of representations and associations, all based upon sense data and internal sensations; language exteriorizes mental life, so meanings are mainly equated with successive representations. This view became prominent in the 18th century and, despite criticism (for example by Humboldt), it continued during the whole 19th century. Condillac, Steinthal and Paul are well-known defenders. From the end of the 19th century onwards, this view was gradually abandoned in favor of a more active view of mental life. Meanings of words and sentences were no longer seen as purely representational. As their mental counterparts, more complex volitional acts were assumed. Initially these acts were conceived as purely intra-psychical. Later on, genuine intentional acts were assumed: acts not definable solely in terms of internal occurrences in the speakerâs mind, but also in terms of their purpose, their appeal to the listener, and, moreover, in terms of their being about objects and states-of-affairs. The work of Marty and especially BĂŒhler exemplifies this transition. BĂŒhlerâs famous triangular organon-model can be regarded as the pinnacle of this development: linguistic signs are not only symptoms, expressing the speakerâs mental state, but also purposeful signals, appealing to the listener, and symbols, representing external objects and states of affairs (BĂŒhler 1990 [1934]: 34).
The four scholars all participated in this general transition, each in his own way. They took steps away from sensualism, and towards a more active and intentionalist view of mental life and linguistic semantics. But the main reason why I focus on these four scholars is that they all exhibit remarkable and similar ideas about special, allegedly âlower-levelâ types of language and thought; for example the language and thought of small children, of so-called primitive people, or of mentally deficient people. The language and thought of these groups is described in purely sensualistic terms.
This is somewhat surprising: the four scholars all regard non-sensualistic features as essential for human language and thought in general. At the same time there appears to be residual sensualism in their description of these special types of human language: sensualism for dummies.[2]
How did they defend these seemingly paradoxical views?
Samuel Lewin
University of Sydney
I
Let me start with some background. In recent decades, linguists and philosophers have debated the role played by context in determining what we say, as opposed to what we imply or otherwise mean, when we utter a sentence. The debate hinges on whether the grammar of a sentence is sufficient to establish something truth-valued, granting, of course, that some context-sensitivity is grammatically mandated â the reference of personal pronouns, for example. The way theorists answer this question dictates their initial conception of pragmatics (viz. narrow linguistic pragmatics; for a broader historical picture, see Nerlich 2006). Take Gazdarâs formulation:
Pragmatics has as its topic those aspects of the meaning of utterances which cannot be accounted for by straightforward reference to the truth conditions of the sentences uttered. Put crudely: PRAGMATICS = MEANING â TRUTH CONDITIONS (1979: 2)
In this picture, truth is the crucial semantic notion. Words in a sentence are paired with meanings (usually assumed to be senses) that combine, according to the rules of the language, to produce something truth-valued, a proposition or thought. Apparently, we can understand an astonishing number of novel thoughts because the sentences that express them decompose into familiar elements. This wouldnât be possible, in Fregeâs venerated words, âwenn wir in dem Gedanken nicht Teile unterscheiden könnten, denen Satzteile entsprĂ€chen, so daĂ der Aufbau des Satzes als Bild gelten könnte des Aufbaues des Gedankensâ (1993: 72).
At one pole in the current debate, then, the minimalist takes the view that saying is sensitive to context âonly when this is necessary to âcompleteâ the meaning of the sentence and make it propositionalâ, whereby necessary context-sensitivity extends to only a limited number of context-dependent expressions, like âIâ and âyesterdayâ (my usage here follows Recanati 2004: 7-8). As minimalists Herman Cappelen and Ernie Lepore put it, âcontext interacts with meaning only when triggered by the grammar of the sentenceâ (2005b: 70). If this is right, the proper object for pragmatics is what speakers mean, imply, suggest, over and above what they say. To revisit Gazdarâs useful crudity, PRAGMATICS = MEANING â TRUTH CONDITIONS.
At the opposite pole lies radical contextualism, the view that context-sensitivity is pervasive (I am again following Recanati’s usage; for a survey of intermediate positions, see his 2004). Charles Travis calls this âthe pragmatic viewâ:
It is intrinsically part of what expressions of (say) English mean that any English (or whatever) sentence may, on one speaking of it or another, have any of indefinitely many different truth conditions, and that any English (or whatever) expression may, meaning what it does, make any of many different contributions to truth conditions of wholes in which it figures as a part. (1997: 87)
If this is right, then truth canât be a purely semantic notion. Iâll illustrate this by reproducing one of Travisâs examples, an utterance of âThe kettle is blackâ. Suppose this is said when “the kettle is normal aluminum, but soot covered; normal aluminum but painted; cast iron, but glowing from heat; cast iron, but enameled white on the inside; on the outside; cast iron with a lot of brown grease stains on the outside; etc.” (1985: 197). Without knowing what will count as a black kettle on a given occasion, which is by no means self-evident, it remains unclear how I am supposed to ascribe truth-conditions to âThe kettle is blackâ. This seems to suggest, to quote Austin, that âthe apparently common-sense distinction between âWhat is the meaning of the word xâ and âWhat particular things are x and to what degrees?â is not of universal application by any meansâ (1979: 74). To maintain that âblackâ contributes identically to what is said whenever someone uses it, the minimalist has to argue for a context-insensitive notion of something like blackness. How such a notion might figure in communication is, at best, opaque. It is preferable, the radical contextualist argues, to generalise context-sensitivity, and to allow that âblackâ can contribute variously to what is said, just like expressions traditionally acknowledged to be indexical, context-dependent. Truth, then, is necessarily also pragmatic. For the radical contextualist, pragmatics cuts across the distinction between what a speaker says and what she means. But so much for background.
Read more ›
Anna Pytlowany
University of Amsterdam
This is Part II of a series. Part I is here.
At first glance, the history of Dutch East India Company (VOC) linguistics is simply a history of texts. Published or not, edited, translated, or not â the wordlists, grammars and phrasebooks remain a witness to the times when Dutch merchants and missionaries started documenting the new cultures and languages they encountered overseas.
But the historical reality is more multifaceted.
Besides the ones kept in the main VOC archives, some of these Dutch manuscripts and printed books are scattered in private and public collections from Paris, to London, to Venice, to Sydney. How to reconstruct the itineraries of displaced books? How to uncover the real place of creation of a manuscript? How to decide whether two similar copies are related or not, and how to date them? How to establish authorship of anonymous works?
The answers are contained in the very materiality of these objects. But to unlock them, we need to know what we are looking for.
Sabine Fiedler
University of Leipzig
A number of different terms have been used to name the topic of this blog entry. For example, in English, the following expressions are used synonymously: multi-word lexemes, phrasemes, set phrases, prefabricated speech, lexical bundles, formulaic sequences, clichĂ©s, idioms, lexical phrases, phrasal lexemes and phrasal lexical items. I prefer the traditional expression phraseological unit, which has been widely used recently, largely due to international cooperation between phraseology researchers and the dominant role the English language plays in the linguistic community. It is also significant that it has equivalents in many languages, such as unitĂ© phrasĂ©ologique in French, ŃŃĐ°Đ·Đ”ĐŸĐ»ĐŸĐłĐžŃĐ”ŃĐșĐ°Ń Đ”ĐŽĐžĐœĐžŃа in Russian, phraseologische Einheit in German. Charles Bally introduced unitĂ© phrasĂ©ologique as early as 1909 in his TraitĂ© de Stylistique Française.
Read more ›
| 11 February |
Somewhat caught between lexicology and syntax: a look at phraseology Sabine Fiedler University of Leipzig |
| 25 February |
Examining material aspects of manuscripts (Part II) Anna Pytlowany University of Amsterdam |
| 13 March |
Some Remarks on Objectivity in Pragmatics Samuel Lewin University of Sydney |
| 25 March |
Sensualism for dummies Els Elffers University of Amsterdam |
| 8 April |
break |
| 23 April |
Le formalisme russe dans l’histoire de la linguistique Patrick Flack sdvig press |
| 6 May |
Translation as a search for divine meanings: Francisco Blancas de San José and his grammar of the Tagalog language. Marlon James Sales Monash University |
| 20 May |
Hugo Schuchardt and his network of knowledge Johannes MĂŒcke and Silvio Moreira de Sousa Hugo Schuchardt Archiv, University of Graz |
| 3 June |
Salon: Anachronism in linguistic historiography John Joseph (Edinburgh), Gerda HaĂler (Potsdam), and Andrew Linn (Sheffield) |